Parth's blog

Unsafe AI or Consolidated Power: AI’s False Dichotomy

Parth Asawa and Joseph E. Gonzalez

We’re excited about AI’s potential to improve society but we’re concerned that the AI community is being polarized into supporting one of two bad outcomes: concentrating power in a few frontier labs, or allowing powerful open models to proliferate without adequate safety oversight.

The relationship between AI safety and concentrated power is complex. People who share the same goals—sustained innovation, preserving democratic accountability, and avoiding or reducing catastrophic risk—are coming to very different conclusions on the path forward.

We think this framing of the debate is wrong. We should be asking how to take safety seriously while enabling decentralized innovation that’s in the broader public interest.

The Two Camps

To provide a simplified overview of the arguments:

  1. There’s a camp that believes that frontier models are unsafe due to their potential to be disruptive to society when used by bad actors. As a result, they believe access to these models must be tightly regulated and the ability to create them should not be proliferated more broadly. At the same time, because there is the potential for more powerful versions of this technology to be used in even more adversarial ways by authoritarian regimes or military adversaries, this camp often believes we’re in a race to achieve a lead on these capabilities.
  2. The opposing view is that the safety concerns are "fearmongering", sincere or not, a mechanism towards restricting competition and consolidating economic and soft power amongst the labs. This camp is deeply concerned that a consolidation of power around such a transformational technology is in itself, the greatest existential risk. From this perspective, open weight models serve as a counterweight to this consolidation of power by virtue of competition.

Both concerns are absolutely legitimate, but it feels like the polarization of these opposing and simultaneously valid concerns has obscured any imagination of a third approach that strives to address both of these concerns. An ideal democratic ecosystem probably shouldn’t look like open models without any safety regulations, nor a world where power consolidates to a few labs who command wide influence over how AI is deployed, regulated, and used.

Safety

There’s a valid case for safety being made by various labs. For example, recently announced models have demonstrably improved the capabilities of actors to discover vulnerabilities in software systems that could disrupt society [1, 2]. The capabilities of models to advance the potential for bad actors to accelerate development of biological weapons also appears to be increasing with each generation of models [3, 4]. If continued scaling produces broader and more reliable capabilities, then today’s misuse concerns will only become more serious.

The core problem here lies around incentives. The concrete safety argument is often pushed by frontier labs as they’re the ones with the most visibility into what’s possible with frontier models. While they may not be acting in bad faith, these arguments could also be used as a lever through which they enact regulation that limits competition. These conflicts of interest can never be fully separated, which is why it’s naive to believe that frontier labs should be taken at face value when trying to recommend policies around safety and regulation.

If you truly want the safety agenda to be well-received, you have to look for alternative solutions that separate out the conflicts of interest and don’t use it as a justification for permanent opacity. Existing third-party evaluations are a step in this direction, but we don’t think they’re enough. In the current model, private labs still decide who gets access, when they get access, what information is shared, what’s in scope, and how much of the evaluation becomes public. These audits may improve confidence in specific safety claims, but they don’t create a durable public-interest knowledge base outside labs that more broadly informs the discussion.

De-Consolidation of Power

Our second camp takes issue with the straightforward solution to safety: broad restriction of frontier models, which would cause model development to be restricted to only a few frontier labs and the power associated with that lies with a few, unelected individuals.

From a market perspective, this sort of regulation would codify anti-competitive measures such that a few companies become single points of failure for many downstream applications. These companies would also wield extraordinary power over how models are deployed, who can access them, and under what conditions—forms of access control they have already shown a willingness to exercise [5].

From a political perspective, democracy thrives on a decentralization of power and dissemination of knowledge. Open science serves as a foundation of democracy by spreading the knowledge citizens, researchers, and policymakers need to reason independently about powerful technologies.

It’s important to take this statement within reason: knowledge dissemination isn’t a blanket requirement that applies to every domain. Nuclear weapons are the standard historical example here: society would not have been better served by freely proliferating every detail necessary to build nuclear weapons. Simultaneously, even in a world of classified weapons programs, the underlying science was understood broadly enough by bodies who represented the public interest (independent scientists, regulatory bodies, etc.) that they could reason about the technology, warn about its consequences, and push back on government policy.

To be absolutely clear: AI is not a nuclear weapon, and the analogy shouldn’t be taken 1:1. AI is more general-purpose, more economically enabling, and more deeply entangled with civilian infrastructure. But in one aspect, the AI situation is already worse: increasingly few people outside private labs understand how the most capable systems are made, what capabilities they actually have, and how they’re aligned. If policymakers and the public are forced to choose between unrestricted open weights and trusting a small number of private labs, we think we’ve already failed.

Despite the clear need for open science, solely pushing for open weights without simultaneously dealing with the safety problem isn’t a real solution. There’s a lot of calling for open-weight models on social media, but signalling does not by itself create them. Achieving SOTA requires training frontier models with data, talent, infrastructure, and compute at a scale that is increasingly out of reach. Because the return on investment for truly open models is uncertain, there are going to be too few organized, well-funded efforts if we rely purely on private markets. Furthermore, if we could achieve the SOTA open models, given that there are currently no solutions to enforcing safeguards on open weight models once broadly released, and the government is already restricting the deployment of Mythos-class models with safeguards, it should be clear that this won’t be accepted from a regulatory point of view either. Weaker open models on their own would avoid the safety problem, though not resolve the underlying consolidation of power.

A Third Path

We’re left to answer the harder question: what mechanisms decentralize power via open science without compromising on safety?

I don’t think one blog post can prescribe the exact answer. The design should come from serious engagement among all the stakeholders who would need to make it work: frontier labs, academics, policymakers, funders, civil society, and companies building on top of AI. My goal here is to sketch the shape of solutions and make the case that these conversations need to start now.

Claim 1: Regulation will fail if expertise remains concentrated inside labs

Claim 2: Open science for AI needs reimagined institutions

Claim 3: The missing institutions should sit between secrecy and unrestricted release.

Whether you agree or disagree, if you have thoughts on the issues raised here, reach out. I feel a sense of urgency to fix these systemic problems so we can work towards a better end state for society, and we hope this blog highlights the narrow window in which we live. There’s also a geopolitical aspect to these issues that needs another post to address. The greatest risk I see right now is accepting that the current structure of the debate is inevitable.

Thanks to Andy Konwinski, K. Tighe, Matei Zaharia, Andrew Qin, Chaitanya Asawa and others for their helpful discussions and feedback on drafts of this post.

Citation

Parth Asawa and Joseph E. Gonzalez. Unsafe AI or Consolidated Power: AI’s False Dichotomy. June 2026. https://pgasawa.bearblog.dev/unsafe-ai-or-consolidated-power-ais-false-dichotomy/

Or

@article{2026aisfalsedichotomy,
  title   = "Unsafe AI or Consolidated Power: AI’s False Dichotomy",
  author  = "Parth Asawa and Joseph E. Gonzalez",
  year    = "2026",
  month   = "June",
  url     = "https://pgasawa.bearblog.dev/unsafe-ai-or-consolidated-power-ais-false-dichotomy/"
}

References

[1] Anthropic. “Project Glasswing: An initial update”. https://www.anthropic.com/research/glasswing-initial-update (2026).

[2] Anthropic. “Statement on the US government directive to suspend access to Fable 5 and Mythos 5”. https://www.anthropic.com/news/fable-mythos-access (2026).

[3] OpenAI. “Building an early warning system for LLM-aided biological threat creation” https://openai.com/index/building-an-early-warning-system-for-llm-aided-biological-threat-creation/ (2024).

[4] Anthropic. “Biorisk” https://red.anthropic.com/2025/biorisk/ (2025).

[5] Sam Schechner. ”Anthropic’s New Fable AI Model Is Met With User Backlash Over Restrictions”. https://www.wsj.com/tech/ai/anthropic-fable-restrictions-ai-developers-cd9bf57c (2026).